Guide Gender, Imperialism and Global Exchanges

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Each 25 minute performance is followed by a hands-on, storytelling art activity. Participating teachers will receive 2 hours of CTLE credit for each workshop. Its slaveholding percentages exceeded those of South Carolina. But what of those Brooklynites who engaged in abolitionist activities?

“Women’s empowerment,” imperialism, and the global gag rule

How are their legacies memorialized today? This session uses historical maps, documents, and census records to explore freedom and slavery in nineteenth century Brooklyn, uncovering the names of slave-holders in the borough, and those of the individuals who fought for freedom. Participating teachers will receive 2 hours of CTLE credit. How do societies decide which history to remember — and what form that memory should take? How can we empower students to engage with Reconstruction memorials critically, through a lens of historical knowledge and ethical reflection?

Wed, Oct. Thu, Oct 10, pm Biased policing. Tue, Oct 15, pm The slave economy is often associated with images of Southern plantations, but it played a major role in the Northern states and cities nationwide, becoming a fundamental building block of the country.

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Fri, Oct 18, pm White Supremacy. Family Program. Professional Development for Educators. Bring the Conversations Home: What to Read. Like Brown, other authors in this issue discuss clothing, but their studies differ in that they show how clothing and fashion were used with a more explicit political purpose. As Karen Tranberg Hansen and D. Consumers were no longer bound to sumptuary laws or customs that restricted dress according to status or occupation, but in contrast, were encouraged to purchase more and more items to fashion themselves.

Because fashion choices also signified affiliations and revealed aspirations, conflicts among citizens based on race, class and gender could often be seen in dress. Miller as well as W. Sewell have countered that fashion also signified solidarity and allegiance — an explicit avowal of group membership.

Michele Mitchell

The articles in this section focus on nationalist group belonging and identification rather than division. While the article by Steinbock-Pratt focuses on femininity, the articles by Balslev, Wu and Mitelpunkt examine masculinity. Fashion, Miller has argued, communicates social and political matters, and thus the way one dresses can be considered a part of democratic culture.

Sivan Balslev examines how elite Iranian men during the first forty years of the twentieth century innovated a new model of masculinity based on their engagement with Europe. Educated in Europe or in western-style institutions in Iran — rather than in religious institutes of higher learning — these elite men embraced a set of ideas about gender, politics, dress and sexuality that contrasted the traditional with the modern.

They began taking off their hats indoors, but keeping on their shoes. The elite men, however, were not willing to accept thorough social transformation. Balslev thus demonstrates how fashion and cultural practices served as a social arena in which struggles over political authority were fought. Often told that they were representatives of their nation, male and female Filipino students considered how their dress and bodies — both within the Philippines and the United States — would reflect on Philippine progress and civilisa- tion or modernity.

That is, the relatively privileged Filipino students strove to distance themselves from Asian labourers, even though many of the students themselves had to work as cooks, dishwashers and domestics in order to support their studies. On special occasions, such as Rizal Day celebrations and independence rallies, the female students donned distinctive mestiza-style dresses to emphasise their Filipino identity.

Stock exchanges worldwide rally in support of gender equality

The politics of dress were charged for Filipino students, and especially for female students. Wu examines how the Malayans used scouting to enact an idealised version of Anglicised masculinity, how the British introduced scouting to colonial Malaya and what purpose it served the colonial rulers.

Scouting also emphasised British martial skills and mental fortitude at a time when the British empire was beginning to wane and capitalist modernity was dealt a devas- tating blow by the global Great Depression.

The mishmash notwithstanding, the Malayan scouts took the games and activities quite seriously. Appropriating other indigenous cultures enabled these boys, mostly from elite backgrounds, to play at being white, and at being frontiersmen. Colonised, but not displaced, the Malayan boys ironically played at being settler colonists.


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He argues that changing US depictions of Israeli sol- diers reflected not only political realities in Israel, but also the cultural and political realities of the United States. Israeli soldiers were seen as being able to enjoy the gentler aspects of civil society without diminishing their martial prowess.


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This depiction of a youthful patriot was attractive to US mainstream outlets because it stood in such contrast to American uproar about the Vietnam War. This image, however, was not unchanging. With Israeli defeat in the war and the growing criticism of the Occupation of Palestinian Territories, the glowing assessment of Israeli soldiers faded somewhat in US public discourse.

Mobility and activism As much as there are limits to self-fashioning, individuals within various historical contexts have engaged in border crossings, migrations and collective mobilisation in order to refashion themselves, their political circumstances and their material con- ditions. Perceptions of people as gendered and sexualised beings have profoundly shaped — in changing yet overlapping ways — mobility across space within and across historical contexts.

Feminist interactions and organising have been a notably signifi- cant form of collective mobilisation both locally and globally. Moreover, close analysis of feminist politics that accounts for colonialism, imperialist impulses and asymmetrical developments between differ- ent geographical locations — something that Katherine Marino and W.

Chris Johnson both realise in their articles — provides an important lens on major historical phenom- ena. This observation is perhaps especially true when we consider feminist mobilisa- tion that occurs across borders or that explicitly seeks to bring together activists from multiple geographic locations. Indeed, consideration of such feminist politics provides a revealing insight into our exploration of gender, empires and global exchanges.

We can see the emergence of anti-colonial movements, and with them nationalist feminisms in the twentieth century. And, whereas Lorena Rizzo does not necessarily speak to organised political activism in her article, her work provocatively explores how people navigated colonial regimes and manipulated existing structures in order to attain passports required to realise their desire or need to be mobile.

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Quite significantly, Marino, Johnson and Rizzo all explore various forms of embodied relationships and practices. Many Latin American feminists differed from their North American counterparts in that they did not priori- tise maternalist politics including certain forms of protective legislation over class rights.

To Latin American feminists, legal and economic rights were equally essential to women. Generally associating the United States with imperialism, they viewed their US counterparts with some suspicion until the crisis of the Great Depression and rise of fascism prompted them to forge a new Pan-American feminism predicated on a Pop- ular Front ideology. Chris Johnson limns the transatlantic connections among black liberation movements by examining the political lives of four young women born in Trinidad and Tobago.

Althea Jones-Lecointe, Jennifer Jones and Beverley Jones were daughters of an anti-colonial activist mother; Erica Williams was the daughter of Eric Williams, scholar-turned-first president of the new nation. In their differing ways, then, Erica and the Jones sisters mili- tantly challenged authoritarian patriarchy, but ultimately, unsuccessfully. Beverley was killed in an ambush, and Jennifer was arrested.

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Erica went back abroad after being unable to convince her father to step down from office. By analysing the story of these women, Johnson urges us to rethink the masculinist narratives that have dominated the scholarship on anti-colonial and radical black activism across the Atlantic. But on a more profound level, we do so because a better life and more opportunities for female workers like Schiffer Lafite — that is, adjusting the asymmetries and unequal exchanges of capitalist modernity — is what Marta Vergara and Beverley Jones fought to attain for themselves and for others. Conclusion This special issue illuminates gendered and sexualised aspects of individual empower- ment, self-presentation, collective solidarities and strategic mobilisations.

Individually and in concert, the articles offer significant historiographical contributions to gendered histories of work, dress, material culture, play, mobility, activism, political imagi- naries and resistance. In other words, every continent except Antarctica is repre- sented. Although we had initially hoped to include work by authors who examine pre-modern periods dating back to antiquity, there is arguably a certain coherence to the fact that the chronology of this issue bridges the early eighteenth century through to the late twentieth century.

The contributors in this volume offer exciting interventions that will, we believe, spark productive debate as their work collectively underscores the centrality of both gender and sexuality to various and often embodied global exchanges. New York University also provided important financial support that enabled the launch of this project.